RSS订阅 加入收藏  设为首页
澳门国际娱乐赌博
当前位置:首页 > 澳门国际娱乐赌博

澳门国际娱乐赌博:美国为什么而战

时间:2018/3/17 14:13:00  作者:  来源:  浏览:0  评论:0
内容摘要:What would America fight for?美国将为什么而战?A nagging doubt is eating away at the world order—and the superpower is largely ignoring it一种令人不安的疑虑在吞...
What would America fight for?
美国将为什么而战?


A nagging doubt is eating away at the world order—and the superpower is largely ignoring it一种令人不安的疑虑在吞噬者国际次序,而超级大国很大程度上还在忽视它

【日期】2014年5月3日

【链接】http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21601508-nagging-doubt-eating-away-world-orderand-superpower-largely-ignoring-it-what


【全文】
澳门国际娱乐赌博:美国为什么而战
翻译得比较粗略,有问题和错误大家指出来

“WHY is it that everybody isso eager to use military force?” America’scerebral president betrayed a rare flash of frustration on April 28th whendealing with a question in Asia about hiscountry’s “weakness”. “为什么每个人都急于使用武力呢?”428日美国总统在亚洲回答一个关于美国软弱的问题时,机智的反驳了这很少出现的挫折 Barack Obama said hisadministration was making steady, if unspectacular, progress. By blunderinginto wars, his critics would only harm America.奥巴马说他的政府正在维护稳定和进步,即使措施是普通的。贸然的卷入战争,这种言论只会害了美国。

Mr Obama was channelling the mood of his people,worn out by the blood and treasure squandered in Iraqand Afghanistan.A survey last autumn by the Pew Research Centre suggests that 52% want theUnited States to “mind its own business internationally”, the highest figure infive decades of polling.
被浪费在伊拉克和阿富汗的流血和压力弄得筋疲力尽的奥巴马先生正在将这种情绪传递给他的民众。去年秋天一份由皮尤研究中心给出的调查表明52%的民众希望美国专心于自己的国际贸易,这是过去五十年里投票的最高值。 But when America’s president speaks of duecaution, the world hears reluctance—especially when it comes to the most basicissue for any superpower, its willingness to fight.
但是当美国言及应有的谨慎时,世界听到是其战争意愿的勉强,尤其是遇到任何超级大国时,哪怕是最基本的议题。
For America’s most exposed allies thatis now in doubt (see article). For decades, America’ssecurity guarantee used to underpin Japan’sforeign policy; now, on his Asian tour, Mr Obama has had to reassure Japan that it can count on America if Chinaseizes the disputed Senkaku islands (which China calls the Diaoyus). After histepid backing for intervention in Libyaand Mali and his Syrianclimbdown, Israel, Saudi Arabia and a string of Gulf emirateswonder whether America willpolice the Middle East. As Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, disrupts Ukraine, eastern Europeans fretthat they are next.
对于美国哪些最容易受到攻击的盟友,他们正处于怀疑当中(见文章)。几十年来,美国的安全保证用来支持日本的外交政策;现在,在他的亚洲之行,奥巴马不得不安抚日本,如果中国占领有争议的尖阁群岛(其中中国称为钓鱼岛),它还可以指望美国。在他对利比亚和马里的不温不火的调停和在叙利亚屈服后,以色列、沙特阿拉伯和一连串的海湾酋长国怀疑美国是否会继续在中东充当警察的角色。正如俄罗斯总统普京瓦解乌克兰时,东欧人担心他们会是下一个一样。
Each situation is different, but in theecho-chamber of global politics they reinforce each other. The Asians note thatin 1994, in exchange for surrendering nuclear weapons, Ukraine received a guarantee from Russia, Americaand Britainthat its borders were safe. The Baltic countries remember the red lines crossedin Syria.Arab princes and Chinese ambassadors count the Republican senators embracingisolationism. Together, these retreats plant a nagging suspicion among friendsand foes that on the big day Americasimply might not turn up.
每一种情况都是不同的,但在世界政治的轮回中,他们总是相互影响的。亚洲人注意到,在1994年作为放弃核武器的交换,乌克兰获得了来自俄罗斯、美国和英国的安全保证,它的边界不受侵犯。波罗的海国家记住了围绕叙利亚问题的红线,阿拉伯王子和中国大使计算着拥抱孤立主义的共和党议员。总之,这些撤离在朋友和敌人带来了一种让人不安的怀疑,那就是在一些重要的时候,美国可能根本不会出现。

A poisonous root
一个恶性的根源
Admittedly, deterrence always has some elementof doubt. Between the certainty that any president will defend America’s own territory and the strong beliefthat America would not fightRussia over Ukrainelies an infinite combination of possibilities. A lot depends on how eachincident unfolds. But doubt has spread quickly in that middle ground—and itrisks making the world a more dangerous, nastier place.
诚然,威慑总是包含了不确定因素。在美国总统必然会保卫美国自己的领导和确信美国不会为了乌克兰跟俄罗斯开战的中间,存在在无数种可能性的组合。很多时候这取决于事情是如何发展的。但怀疑已经在这个中间地带迅速的蔓延,这种风险使得世界成为了一个更危险让人更讨厌的地方。
Already, regional powers are keener to dominatetheir neighbours. China ispressing its territorial claims more aggressively, Russia interfering more brazenly.In 2013 Asia outspent Europe on arms for thefirst time—a sign that countries calculate they will have to stand up forthemselves. If Mr Obama cannot forge a deal with Iran,the nightmare of nuclear proliferation awaits the Middle East. Crucially, doubt feeds on itself. If next door is arming andthe superpower may not send gunboats, then you had better arm, too. For everyleader deploring Mr Putin’s tactics, another is studying how to copy them.
现在,地区大国正在更热衷于支配他们的邻国。中国正在更具侵略性的表达他的领土主张,俄罗斯的干涉更加是无忌惮。2013年,亚洲国家的军事开支第一次超过了欧洲,这个一个信号表明很多国家开始考虑他们必须为了自己站立起来。如果Obama不能同伊朗达成协议,核扩散的阴霾正等待着中东。 更致命的是,怀疑正在自我加强。如果你的隔壁正在武装,而超级大国并没有给与任何制止,那们你也最好武装。对于每一个谴责普京的领导者,都在学习着如何模仿他。

Such mind games in the badlands of eastern Ukraine and the South China Sea may feel faraway from Toledo or Turin. But the West will also end up payingdearly for the fraying of the global order. International norms, such asfreedom of navigation, will be weakened. Majorities will feel freer to abuseminorities, who in turn may flee. Global public goods, such as free trade andlower cross-border pollution, will be harder to sustain. Global institutionswill be less pliable. Americans understandably chafe at the ingratitude of aworld that freeloads on the economic, diplomatic and military might of the United States.But Americans themselves also enjoy the exorbitant privilege of operating in asystem that, broadly, suits them.
在乌克兰东部的荒地和中国南海的这种心理游戏可能你会觉得远离托莱多或者都灵。但是西方同样将为世界次序的磨损付出高昂的代价。国际规则,比如自由航行,将被削弱。多数群体在虐待正在逃离的少数群体上将感觉到更自由。世界的公共关系,比如自由贸易和降低跨国的污染等将变得更难维持。国际机构将拥有更少的处事弹性。美国人可理解的愤怒在于世界免费利用美国经济、外交、军事实力影响的忘恩负义。但是美国人同样也享受了在操作世界次序时广泛而独特的优先权,使之更适合他们自己。

A hegemon’s headaches
超级大国的烦恼

The critics who pin all the blame on Mr Obamaare wrong. It was not he who sent troops into the credibility-sapping streetsof Baghdad.More important, Americacould never sustain the extraordinary heights of global dominance it attainedwith the collapse of the Soviet Union. As China grew intoa giant, it was bound to want a greater say. And the president has often madethe right call: nobody thinks he should have sent troops to Crimea,despite the breaking of the 1994 agreement.
将所有指责指向Obama的评论是错误的。将军队投入伤害信誉的巴格达街道的并不是他。更重要的是,美国不可能一直维持这种在苏联崩溃后所获得的对全球事务的绝对主导权。随着中国成长为一个巨人,他必然会要求有一个更大的话语权。总统已经做了正确的呼吁,没人认为他应该把军队投入克里米亚,尽管那里发生的事破坏了1994年的协定。
Yet Mr Obama has still made a difficultsituation worse in two ways. First, he has broken the cardinal rule ofsuperpower deterrence: you must keep your word. In Syria he drew “a red line”: he wouldpunish Bashar Assad if he used chemical weapons. The Syrian dictator did, andMr Obama did nothing. In response to Russia’s aggression, he threatenedfierce sanctions, only to unveil underwhelming ones. He had his reasons: Britain let him down on Syria, Europeneeds Russian gas, Congress is nervous. But the cumulative message is weakness.
然而,Obama在两个方面使得这种困难的形势变得更糟了。首先,他破坏了超级大国威慑的基本原则,那就是你必须说到做到。在叙利亚,他画了一条红线,如果巴沙尔使用化学武器他将惩罚他。叙利亚独裁者做了,但Obama什么都没做。作为对俄罗斯的回应,他威胁更严厉的制裁,却仅仅是针对一些不起眼的人物。他有他自己的理由,英国让他倒在叙利亚,欧洲需要俄罗斯的天然气,国会处于紧张状态。但是这些积累起来的信息体现了一种脆弱。
Second, Mr Obama has been an inattentive friend.He has put his faith in diplomatic coalitions of willing, like-mindeddemocracies to police the international system. That makes sense, but he hasfailed to build the coalitions. And using diplomacy to deal with the awkwardsquad, such as Iran and Russia, leads to concessions that worry America’sallies. Credibility is about reassurance as well as the use of force.
其次,Obama疏忽了他们的盟友。他将其信念置于基于自愿的外交联盟,依靠具有相同民主追求的国家还维护国际次序。这当然是有道理的,但他却没能建立起一个联盟。并利用外交去对付那些棘手的国家,比如伊朗核俄罗斯,导致担心美国的盟友的让步。信誉是一种保证就像武力的使用。

Credibility is also easily lost and hard torebuild. On the plus side, the weakened West, as we dubbed it after the Syriandebacle, is still stronger than it thinks. America towers above all others inmilitary spending and experience (see article). Unlike China and Russia, it has an unrivalled—andgrowing—network of alliances. In the past few years Malaysia,Myanmar, Vietnam and the Philippineshave all moved towards it, seeking protection from China. And events can swayperceptions. Back in 1991 George Bush senior’s pounding of Saddam Husseinvanquished talk of America’s“Vietnamsyndrome”.
信誉同样容易丢失和难以重建。在有利的一面,被削弱的西方,就像叙利亚崩溃后我们所戏称的一样,依然比它想象的要强大。美国有远远超越所有国家的军事开支和军事经验。不像中国和俄罗斯,他也有着一个无与伦比的不断增长的网络联盟。在过去的一些年里,马拉西亚、缅甸、越来和菲律宾都倒向了他,寻求针对中国的防卫。这些时间可以冲淡某些观念。就像回到1991年,老布什对萨达姆的猛烈敲打抹去了美国的越南恐惧症一样。

But there will be no vanquishing as long as theWest is so careless of what it is losing. Europeans think they can enjoyAmerican security without paying for it. Emerging-world democracies like India and Brazil do even less to buttress thesystem that they depend on. Americais preoccupied with avoiding foreign entanglements. Mr Obama began hispresidency with the world wondering how to tame America. Both he and his countryneed to realise that the question has changed.
但是只要西方如此在意正在失去的东西,那将不会有征服。欧洲认为他们可以免费享受美国提供的安全保护。新型的民主国家像印度和巴西对于维持这个体系做得更少,而事实上他们很依赖它。美国一心想着避免外交纠纷。Obama开始起总统任期是,正是世界在想如何对付美国时。他和他的国家都应该意识到问题已经发生变化了。




相关评论

本类更新

本类推荐

本类排行

本站所有站内信息仅供娱乐参考,不作任何商业用途,不以营利为目的,专注分享快乐,欢迎收藏本站!
所有信息均来自:百度一下 (赌博送钱的网址)
甘ICP备78987654320号